A Swedish translation of my book Empowering Your Sober Self has been published by LifeRing Sweden, www.lifering.se. The translation was prepared by Project LifeRing run by Skyddsvärnet, a nonprofit social development organization, with funding from the Heritage Fund. Sophia Olsson, project manager for Project LifeRing, acted as editor and Inger Bodal of City Text is the translator. The title in Swedish, Viljan att Sluta, means Desire to Quit. A Swedish translation of Recovery by Choice, the workbook, is in preparation.
Jul 20
Swedish translation published
Jul 19
On Rum and Revolution

Cover of Cheever’s book
The American Revolution has come in for a beating lately. Gerald Horne’s ground-breaking The Counter-Revolution of 1776, reviewed here earlier, shows that the colonial revolt was at bottom a rear-guard action to preserve a bastion of slavery in a world where England and other European powers had already moved forward to abolition. Seen from London, where slavery was outlawed, the libertarian rhetoric of Jefferson came across as so much hypocritical gasbaggery.
Reflecting on this gap between words and realities, I wondered occasionally how it was possible for intelligent leaders to write stuff like “all men are created equal” and “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” while keeping so many people in chains. Along comes Susan Cheever’s new book, Drinking in America: Our Secret History, with a plausible answer: they were drunk. The American revolution, she says, was fueled by rum. The chief constituent of rum was molasses that slaves wrung from cane in Caribbean sugar plantations.
James Madison drank a pint of whiskey daily. John Adams downed a tankard of cider before breakfast every morning, just to get going, and drank whatever was available the rest of the day. He wrote, “I know not why we should blush to confess that molasses was an essential ingredient in American independence.” Two of his sons died of alcoholism, as did several of his grandchildren. Jefferson, Cheever writes, penned the Declaration of Independence in a tavern. He was obsessed with fine wine. He ran for election in 1800 calling for repeal of the whiskey tax.
The Boston Tea Party was hatched in the Green Dragon tavern. The original plan was to nail the tea crates to the deck to prevent their unloading the next day, the last day on which the tea tax could be levied. But that was too complicated because the raiding party had got drunk, so they threw the crates overboard instead, creating a major incident. That set off an unforeseen spiral of reprisals and escalations.
Paul Revere stopped at several taverns during his ride and fortified himself with rum. Drunk, he was captured by the British but talked his way out of captivity. When the British infantry arrived at Lexington Green at five in the morning, they faced a ragtag assembly of locals who had been drinking since midnight in Buckman Tavern. The British fired the first shots of the Revolutionary War against a drunken mob.
Ethan Allen was a notorious drunk. In a partnership with Benedict Arnold, he captured Fort Ticonderoga out of sheer drunken audacity. He died of exposure on a cold night in 1789 after a night of heavy drinking.
George Washington won his first electoral office by distributing 144 gallons of alcoholic drink at the polling places. He motivated his soldiers by doubling their rum rations and getting them drunk. He drank with enthusiasm, favoring rum made with molasses from the Barbados. After the war his slaves planted rye and corn on his plantation and built a distillery that produced eleven thousand gallons of whiskey a year. It was one of the largest buildings in America at the time. He then added a vineyard and distilled brandy, and had a brewery built to make beer. He spent his days drinking.
Cheever’s cruise through American history begins with the Mayflower, which stopped at Plymouth because it was running out of beer, and ends with Richard Nixon, who was drunk and unconscious at crucial moments. Her thesis is that alcohol played an important role in the lives of key actors and in shaping pivotal events, a role that most writers of history ignore.
The book’s vibrancy dulls toward the end, when Cheever slip-slides into a hackneyed endorsement of Alcoholics Anonymous, as if that organization had made any salutary impact on American drinking behavior. Per capita consumption of alcohol only went up when AA was founded. The long and only partially written story of AA’s symbiosis with the alcoholic beverage industry belongs in a muckraking book of this kind, and Cheever’s failure to even glimpse the issue is a major lapse. Still, for its earlier chapters, it’s well worth reading.
Jul 13
There’s Money In Homelessness — Review of the S. F. Homeless Project
By Carol Denney
The San Francisco Chronicle spearheaded a blizzard of coverage in June 2016 on homelessness which included 70 news outlets by its own count, calling it the “S. F. Homeless Project.” And after a week of homeless-focused stories, the San Francisco Chronicle put an editorial on its own front page endorsing the status quo: more money for “services”, of course, and good luck with that. But the rest sounded pretty familiar; stricter tracking systems for the use of “services”, more enforcement of anti-homeless laws, and continued street sweeps of tent cities as a way to “ensure that the people who are offered this array of assistance are no longer afforded the option to flout the law with impunity.”
Flout the law with impunity. It sounds like a cool dance step you pick up in a hip hop class. But it’s the smear out of almost every Bay Area news outlet and the snarl on the face of almost every politician in close concert. It’s the best-known song about the housing crisis, and it helps to consider that some people benefit from homelessness. The average rent in San Francisco is $4,500 a month, which has a lot more to do with the creation of homelessness than drug abuse, mental illness, or the rest of the red herrings the Chronicle loves to flog combined.
There’s a clear mechanism in play at the San Francisco Chronicle, a mechanism recognizable nationwide. Chronicle reporters repeatedly savage the poor on the street for being in the way, for being messy, for inevitable and natural behavior such as defecating, etc. They continuously stoke animosity toward people on the street year round, promulgating deceptive but popular mythology, like the idea that homeless people prefer to live on the street. A few reporters, Kevin Fagan and Heather Knight in particular, manage to sneak relevant factual information into an article, but the Chronicle’s main focus has always been how hard San Francisco and its politicians work to end homelessness and how much money is wasted–whoops, spent in the process. The implication is that spending more money is not the answer — these poor people just need a strong incentive to change their attitude.
This is really handy for the San Francisco politicians who need a popular boost in the next election. Nobody ever loses votes in San Francisco for kicking around the poor. It doesn’t matter if the last anti-homeless law was a stupid, unenforceable, unconstitutional, counter-productive embarrassment even to a hard-working police officer — here comes another one! No need to honestly re-prioritize the budget if you can unveil another pointless, unenforceable anti-homeless law. People who pay attention can see where extremity meets levity; the towering pile of laws which make it illegal to pee while acres of handy dough shows up for the yacht race.
The new horsecrap anti-homeless law benefits the politicians who get public applause for doing something about the issue of homelessness whether its counter-productive or not. Then as the new pointless program with the cute name (Care Not Cash, etc.) hits the wall the Chronicle never does the story about why the program was a piece of …pointlessness. They do the story blaming the poor. Followed by the story about the next pointless program with the new cute name and the new well-meaning director standing next to the next politician who needs a pre-election boost in the papers.
Who benefits from homelessness? Property owners do. Landlords do. Most law is bought and paid for by property owners to benefit property owners who are giddy with the fact that they can legally increase their rent from $800 a month to $8,000 a month because some tech guy will just pay it. The American system of voting, after all, began in this country not just by excluding African-Americans and women — you couldn’t vote at all if you didn’t own property.
Berkeleyside put a picture of a man sleeping on concrete up on their website, apparently something from an archive. He had a sleeping bag pulled over him with his bicycle and backpack close by. He had no liquor bottle or beer can anywhere near him, but the photo was captioned “sleeping it off” as though he were drunk– as though one could pretty much assume anybody sleeping on the sidewalk was probably drunk or sleeping off a drinking binge.
That’s how assumptions are made in the Bay Area, and it doesn’t take long after unemployment, eviction, or serious illness uproots a life for people to begin making them. In a way, Berkeleyside’s editors did us all a favor by illustrating on a Monday, before their coverage for the S. F. Homeless Project began on Wednesday, that the tradition of stereotyping homeless people caught up in a planned and predictable housing crisis would continue to be honored.
It was an ominous beginning to a week of perhaps good journalistic intentions. But what ensued was no substitute for analyzing the numbers, something most publications find it politically convenient to omit. Developers, after all, are the deep pockets in town, often the primary producers in showy campaigns for anti-homeless laws such as the anti-tent law currently being promoted for November’s ballot by San Francisco Supervisor Mark Farrell, who coincidentally is running for re-election. Nothing positions a politician better for re-election than another unconstitutional anti-homeless law if the voting public, often honestly thirsting for a practical solution to decades of housing crisis, is fed enough daily, hostile anti-poor screeds by an obedient press.
Nobody went to jail on Wall Street for tipping the world into economic chaos. And not everybody who lost their jobs, homes, families, and health after the crash in 2008 ended up on the street. But it’s odd how little of that economic earthquake affected policy, both on and off Wall Street.
The Chronicle’s Heather Knight and Kevin Fagan are two journalists who are occasionally given space enough to write about the fact that the current policy on tent cities and street dwellers nationwide — jailing and chasing people in circles — is more expensive than simply providing and paying for housing. But such paragraphs, usually buried in the back pages, are no match for the flashy regular columnists whose stock in trade is emphasizing the horror people experience having to actually see others in need.
Powerful emotional experience is certainly part of persuasion. But it’s a curious kind of journalism that see-saws wildly between two opposing views of the inevitable poverty created by a planned housing crisis: the emotional toll on those who have to walk by visible poverty on the one hand versus the humanity of the human beings caught in the cross-fire of a political climate which hasn’t taken a practical approach to housing for decades.
“These people are human, many of them, on the streets and deserve to be recognized as such,” — Michael Krasny on KQED’s Forum program after a discussion of homelessness 6-29-2016.
People don’t mean to sound like idiots on live radio. But if Michael Krasny, the respected host of the Forum show on KQED radio can do it, perhaps it has something to do with lacking practice, not of hosting radio but of navigating a subject in which portraits of sympathetic poor people substitute for exposés of expensive, counter-productive, but politically popular policy.
We need to keep firmly in mind that there’s money in homelessness. Right now just about none of that money is being challenged and channeled to address community needs. Just about nobody is talking about real rent control, or linking rents to the minimum wage. Just about nobody wants to promote a tracking system for the wealthy to make sure they’re making appropriate choices with the profits they’re making off the rest of us. The developers have managed to monetize poverty, a feat that makes even the savviest tech guy buying Mission district property salivate–can I make an app for that?
The S. F. Homeless Project was a magic act poised to capitalize on already committed funding to create the illusion of political change without having to actually manifest any. Those who work in print know that the impressive front page editorial for Sunday’s Chronicle entitled “A Civic Disgrace”, the culmination of the week’s collected study and focus which re-committed to the status quo, was written well ahead of time.
Let’s not kid ourselves. The absence of political and moral will is the real obstacle to change. If a city had the will to address the housing crisis it would never allow developers to dedicate precious square footage to anything other than meeting community needs. Developers, after all, can go build luxury housing all over the world in places where their dollars are welcome. But the raw math of the status quo — allowing developers to chew through all the honestly affordable housing in neighborhood after neighborhood on the off chance they might leave behind a couple of units affordable to the new poor, the $80,000 to $100,000 a year crowd– is not only not sensible, it is not sustainable.
Playing games with high-end pet products, or cosmetics, or clothing are things investors and entrepreneurs can experiment with without necessarily ripping a culture to pieces. But playing games with housing, a human necessity, should be criminal. A community slowly and systematically robbed of spaces to live, spaces to make art, spaces to worship, spaces to gather, places to recreate let alone places to live has a deep poverty of leadership. The few reporters who notice need to write about that deficit, which is the real story.
Jul 12
Waiting for the Other Shoe
Today Bernie formally endorsed Hillary, as expected. Reading between the lines of his “Forever Forward” email, it looks like Hillary made some platform concessions to sweeten this sour deal. She supported reduction of student debt and increases in medical coverage. Apart from that, Hillary’s people appear to have blocked all forward movement on the platform, and look entrenched against party rules changes that would favor an insurgent candidate.
Jill Stein, candidate of the Green Party, published her opposition to the endorsement, also as expected. Hillary is a candidate of the billionaires and warmakers, and so forth, she pointed out. Very true. But Stein’s statement that “Together we can beat both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump” is delusional. There is no political body that can beat both Clinton and Trump in November 2016. Sanders’ political arithmetic is unassailable: if we don’t vote for Hillary, we help elect Trump.
Now we come to the interesting part. Bernie’s campaign, as he points out in his email, mobilized tens of millions of people around his ideas, and shook up the conventional wisdom by winning 23 primaries. Is that all over now? An ordinary election candidate would cash in their chips and go home. But Sanders is not such a candidate, never has been. In his words:
This movement of ours – this political revolution – must continue. We cannot let all of the momentum we have achieved in the fight to transform America be lost. We will never stop fighting for what is right.
OK, but how? Sanders has spent almost all of his political life as an independent, outside the Democratic Party. He entered the party for good pragmatic reasons, namely to evangelize for his ideas within the ready-made major party primary channels, constricted and biased as they are. Bernie’s choice has been successful beyond all expectations. As Tom Gallagher and others have pointed out (and as the Green Party has experienced), launching a third party from zero is an agonizing proposition. However, at this time Sanders is not starting from zero. Hardly. He has (or until recently had) a professional staff, a highly effective fundraising setup, and a network of experienced and enthusiastic activists nationwide. He has tremendous political goodwill. He has all the ingredients of a major party. Not a splinter, not a teensy fraction, but a major third party. Bernie Sanders could launch a major third party.
The most intriguing words in Bernie’s email of this morning are these:
In the coming weeks, I will be announcing the creation of successor organizations to carry on the struggle that we have been a part of these past 15 months.
What could he mean with that intriguing plural, “organizations“? It looks like he is defusing speculation that he has a new party in mind, while leaving the door open to making exactly that move. It’s a position that may give him more leverage in the ongoing Democratic Party rules debates. The question is, does he mean it?
How many defeats on the platform and on the rules must Bernie swallow before his patience snaps and he breaks away? It’s one thing to endorse Hillary; that’s a bitter but life-saving pill for November. But it’s another thing entirely to stay within the Democratic Party; that’s suicide for the Bernie revolution. If he stays in the Democratic Party, there’ll be nothing left by 2017, much less for the election in 2020.
I repeat here a post I put up on Facebook on June 30. In my opinion, Bernie has made the correct first move to endorse Hillary. Now it’s time to drop the other shoe and break out of the Democratic Party.
(June 30, Facebook):
Reading the latest stuff from and about Bernie (or at least some of it, life’s too short to read all), I find a totally absurd and ridiculous project forming in what remains of my mind. This thought of mine is the whelp of two contradictory political urges. Namely.
One: It’s going to be necessary to endorse Hillary in the November election. Although she’s a truly weak and terrible candidate, deserving of the high negatives that her polls show, she’s still a pile better than the presumptive Republican candidate. Think Supreme Court nominations, women’s rights, civil rights, for starters. By way of historical analogy, this is a moment for a broad anti-fascist alliance. Splitting or depressing the Democratic vote and enabling a Trump presidency would be an unforgivable mistake that generations will regret. So, I plan to hold my nose (as I’ve done several times in the past) and vote for the presumptive Democratic Party candidate.
But Point Two. For the Bernie “political revolution” to remain in the Democratic Party in the hope of reforming and/or capturing it is a strategic mistake of the first order. The Democratic Party is a party of the one per cent. Owned lock stock and barrel by the billionaires. It will crush, chew up and swallow any and all leftist insurgencies. For the Bernie revolution to survive after the Philadelphia convention, it has to get out of the Democratic Party. Break with it. Form a New Democratic Party.
Have you ever heard a more absurd political notion? Break away from the Democratic Party, form a New Democratic Party, and in the first national election the new party faces, endorse the candidate of the Old Democratic Party? Why, that’s a crazy idea!
It’s the craziest political idea I’ve ever heard, except for the alternatives. Don’t endorse Hillary, split the Democratic vote, enable a Trump presidency — that’s crazier. And stay in the Democratic Party, watch the Bernie revolution get crunched and snuffed, go home from Philadelphia depressed and homeless — that’s clinically suicidal.
A New Democratic Party has lots of useful work to do besides the November presidential election. Such a party would commit wholeheartedly to the Sandernista platform, and not merely as window dressing (as is the case with the two major party platforms) but as an action agenda. Such a party would at this time work primarily on downticket races, from Senate to local contests. It would engage in community service work, much as the Panther party and others did and do. Such a party would provide a political home for the millions of young people of all ages who carried the Sanders campaign from total obscurity to the front ranks of political life today. The energy and creative spirit of these millions would drive the party’s work to a level above and beyond what any recent third party has been able to dream of.
OK. It’s a crazy idea. But if I’ve learned anything from kicking around this political scene since the sixties, in this crazy environment sometimes crazy ideas are the only sane ones.
Jul 06
Something funny about this history
John Leguizamo’s thirteen-year old son has to write a class report on “My Hero.” The kid knows that his father is Latino but insists that he himself is not. Trying to help him with his project, and make him proud of his Latin heritage at the same time, Leguizamo dives into research about Latino history. In the 90-minute play, titled “Latin History for Morons,” Leguizamo shares that research with the audience.
But never fear that this is going to be a dreary lecture. Leguizamo lands some heavy hits about real history — the Indian ancestry of Latino people, the great annihilation of indigenous peoples in the Americas after the European invasions, the key role of stolen South American gold and silver in financing European development, the treachery of the conquistadors in destroying the Aztec and Mayan civilizations — but all this is interwoven with dozens of funny bits. Leguizamo is a deadly voice mimic, even taking on Gandhi and Stephen Hawking. He’s a high-energy physical performer, showing off everything from dance routines to battle reinactments. He repeatedly weaves his “research findings” into the ordeals of his middle school son in class, at home, and in the schoolyard. It’s totally engaging.
This is stand-up comedy at its best, and he had the audience laughing from the gut. Of course, Leguizamo is a great comic and dramatic actor with dozens of film and theatre credits to his name. This was a premiere performance, and he pulled it off without a visible miscue. He got a well-deserved standing ovation at the end.
Still, packaging historical research as stand-up comedy has its costs. Stories in which you get your butt kicked can be funny, but stories in which you are a big winner usually aren’t. They’re bragging. Leguizamo’s “research” for his son turns up a parade of losers, like the Aztec and Inca rulers, and dubious heroes, like the Latina who dressed as a man to fight on the side of the Confederacy. The names of heroic progressive individuals that he gives his son are few, and the kid ends up concluding that for 500 years, Latins have mainly been victims of bullying.
There’s something wrong with this picture. An obvious and real hero, Che Guevara, gets mentioned in a throwaway one-liner. There’s no mention of Fidel or Raul Castro or Camilo Cienfuegos, not even of Jose Marti, among the Cubans. Simon Bolívar, a giant hero of South American liberation, is absent from the script. Manuela Sáenz, the Ecuadorean freedom fighter at Bolívar’s side, gets no mention. Emiliano Zapata, a towering hero in Mexico, among others, doesn’t show up in Leguizamo’s “research.” There’s only passing mention of Cesar Chávez. And since Leguizamo correctly identifies Latinos and Indians as the same people, it would not have been hard to find material on North American indigenous heroes, old like Sitting Bull or new like Russell Means and Leonard Peltier. There’s a much longer roll of Latino and other Indian heroes who shaped the destinies of our modern times, none of whom rates a mention in this “History for Morons.” I understand that genuine heroes are probably not funny, and that working in references to these historical figures while keeping the tone comic would have been a tough challenge. But when your title holds out the promise of teaching history, you’ve got to produce more of the real stuff, or you’re letting morons be morons.

“History is not for telling, it is for making.” — Manuela Saenz, Ecuadorean soldier and commander, hero of the revolution and lover of Simon Bolívar. There is a museum in Quito, Ecuador, in her name. (My photo 2013).
Jul 06
Toward a Platform Debate in Philadelphia

An Old-Time Convention In Philadelphia?
It’s quite understandable that some might think this whole Democratic nomination thing was over long ago — or at least should have been — even though they’re still counting June 7 California primary votes (Hillary Clinton’s overall win is not in doubt, but Bernie Sanders has closed the gap, so there are delegates still being chosen). For one thing, a lot of mainstream media in the east pretty much checked out after Hillary Clinton’s April 19th New York primary win. And in Washington, there’s always been a Capitol Hill crowd that resented the very idea of anyone contesting Hillary Clinton for the nomination — much less Sanders. But what really appears to have some of the opinion leaders flummoxed right now is the prospect that the upcoming Democratic Nominating Convention might not be another infomercial-like, public display of unity like the events of recent years. Could this be a year when delegates once again actually vote for the candidates they were selected to represent? And even debate the issues that brought them to Philadelphia?
For some Clinton-backers, the very idea may be something of an affront. After all, eight years ago, it was Clinton herself who made the motion that her erstwhile opponent, Barack Obama, be nominated by acclamation. Doesn’t she then deserve the same in return? Certainly recent precedent is in her favor, since the last Democratic nominee with a less than 99 percent convention vote was Bill Clinton in his first run in 1992. Four years later he was unanimously renominated, which was not unusual for a sitting president. Then, in 2000, Vice President Al Gore became the first non-incumbent nominated unanimously, as none of Senator Bill Bradley’s delegates actually voted for him (a few abstained). In 2004, the only one of the candidates who had contested the nomination with Senator John Kerry who actually received convention votes was Ohio Representative Dennis Kucinich — and that was only about one percent.
For the last runner-up to even record a double digit vote, we have to go back to former (and future) California Governor Jerry Brown who drew 14 percent of the 1992 convention vote, with another seven percent going to Senator Paul Tsongas. 30 percent voted for Jesse Jackson in 1988, and 31 percent for Senator Gary Hart in 1984, when Jackson also received 12 percent. And that’s how it used to be done — if the voters selected you to go to a convention to represent a specific candidate, that’s what you did.
Which makes for the better convention — the new way or the old? Depends upon whether you’re looking for decorum or debate.
A platform worth arguing about?
It seems that if there’s anything even more unpopular among current Democratic party planners than non-unanimous nominations, it would be public displays of disunity on the issues. For years now, Democrats and Republicans alike have downplayed the importance of a platform. The argument first was that the convention shouldn’t tie the candidate’s hands. Which then developed into the idea that delegates shouldn’t even disagree publicly (and might be ignored if they did, as happened during a 2012 Democratic Convention floor amendment voice vote). Here again, though, it wasn’t always this way.
In the early part of the twentieth century, Democrats, who once considered debating the big issues of the day to be only a logical part of a national convention, held important convention debates regarding the League of Nations and the Ku Klux Klan Perhaps most notably, in 1948, Democrats began their long process of supplanting the party of Lincoln as the advocate of civil rights when the convention adopted a minority report calling for federal government guarantees of equal rights. They did their disagreeing in prime time, too, as a live audience estimated at 70 million heard then Minneapolis Mayor Hubert Humphrey call upon his party to “get out of the shadow of states’ rights.” Anti-Vietnam War delegates did not make out as well in 1968, when Humphrey stood on the opposite side as Vice President and presidential nominee. Nevertheless, it was a given that an issue of that magnitude would be debated at the convention.
For many of the conventions thereafter, the platform’s significance was taken for granted — if only perhaps rhetorically. Commitments to creating a full employment economy and a universal national health insurance system became routine, but then disappeared as the party moved toward candidate-oriented centrism. The most recent flurry of floor fights came at the end of Jackson’s issue-oriented 1988 run.
Here again comes the question of decorum or debate: If your main thing is your candidate’s supposed qualifications or symbolic value you may not be eager to entertain arguments on specific issues, but if you think it’s all about your candidate’s position on those issues, you obviously will be eager to have those discussions. This year there is little doubt that there will be quite a large group of delegates who are of the latter persuasion — at least 1,800, it would appear. So unless the Clinton campaign should change stances it has taken in the drafting committee by the time the full platform committee meets, we may well see some of the day’s biggest issues — fracking, the Trans Pacific Partnership, Israeli West Bank settlements, a $15 minimum wage, a single payer health insurance system — come up for debate at the highest level of the Democratic Party — the nominating convention in Philadelphia — just like they used to.
Jun 04
Muhammad Ali, R.I.P.

Muhammad Ali in 1970 (Yousuf Karsh photo)
Deeply moved by the loss of Muhammad Ali. He brought grace and beauty to a brutal sport. Amidst a corrupt and venal business, he was a beacon of principle and an exemplar of moral courage. I will never forget his heroic stance of opposition to the Vietnam war. The price he had to pay makes me weep. May you rest forever in peace!
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